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New
Delhi, 29 September 2005
We
predicted a change in the relations between India and USA which was
likely to be a very important strategic factor in future world
activities in the Indian Ocean especially vis a vis China. India is
in a favourable position to get supplies and technology from USA,
Russia, Europe and Israel. This new globalisation in India including
in defence is glaring. When one sees Deccan Airways employing foreign pilots as
Commanders for their planes, in this semi strategic sector, it is
evidence of change –– Indian companies can now afford to pay
world class wages. This is heartening as a sign of India's emergence
on the world scene. India's economy has been bullish for the last
two years but the evidence is now for all to see. At most
conferences one can see US investment to India on the rise and
India's stock market is zooming and is predicted to touch the 10,000
mark by next year end –– having revved up 1000 points in just 45
days.
Exercise
Malabar
The
USS Nimitz is off Mumbai for Ex Malabar 2006 to exercise with our
own aircraft carrier INS Viraat and the
Air Chief was due to be on board to see the F-18s operating but had
to decline, and his reps will watch the operations along with the NDTV
team flown in from Paris after reporting on the $3 billion Scorpene
submarine deal. This is globalisation too for India's media, and the
deal was announced in Paris but MOD in Delhi kept mum.
Forty-two
US soldiers and officers are at Varangette, Indian Army's Insurgency
School and the US F-16s will be in back in Kalaikunda next month for the
Cope India series of exercises. The USS Trenton will be inspected by
the Vice Chief of the Navy, 2 P3C Orions in the surveillance role
will be leased to the Indian Navy. INS Tarangini is in Calghari in
beautiful Sardinia in Italy and Vice Admiral Suresh Bangara flew in
to meet the ship at Italy's tall ship get together called Valeiri.
India's outgoing Amabssador Himachal Som has done well to cement
defence relations and the Indian Navy is looking at the Blackshark
torpedo for the Scorpenes. The Italian Navy Chief Vice Admiral Bruno
Brancaforti is due to visit India next month and Air Marshal Geoff
Sheppard, Australia’s Air Chief, a Mirage and F 111 pilot, is a
guest of the Indian Air Force in India. This is the true opening up
of defence in India. We post a very revealing analysis from the
September issue of the Asian Military Review for our viewers and
welcome your comments.
The
Far Reaching India–US Defence Framework
By
Cmde Ranjit B Rai (Retd)
(Courtesy:
Asian Military Review, Sep 2005)
It
has been commented that India’s defence policy like its earlier
nuclear policy in the 70s and 80s(when it professed it had no
nuclear ambitions) has ambiguity, and yet there is boast of clarity
when the cat is let out of the bag. This generally takes the world
and most Indians by surprise as the 1998 nuclear blasts did. In yet
another such a move, India’s Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee
proceeded to USA for a five day visit as a guest of Secretary
Rumsfeld. On June 28, 2005 in Washington he along with Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld signed a 'New Framework for the US-India Defence
Relationship’ that supercedes the 'Agreed Minute on Defence
Relations Between the United States and India' signed in January
1995’. The text is reproduced below with comments and analysis.
There has been a warming up of Indo-US ties since 9/11 and both
countries saw whole new possibilities that could accrue in a
stronger mutual defence relationship, as a precursor to further
cooperation in the East, especially witnessing the meteoric rise of
China. USA has always played the balance of power game and another
chapter has begun, which will be beneficial to both countries. USA
has vast and rising economic interests in India and can offer much
more, while India’s economic potential is being unleashed
supported by military power with nuclear capability.
The
hard core of India’s nuclear arsenal is in civilian hands and its
operational ‘modus operandi’ is very securely guarded with
ambiguity even from the military. Hence a “no first use clause”
is enshrined in India’s nuclear policy but India was not allowed
nuclear supplies.In mid July however after Mukerjee’s visit an
agreement signed between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President
Bush India will be required to separate its civilian and military
nuclear facilities and open sites to IAEA inspections. This will be
challenge but will allow nuclear supplies to India. That is a break
through.
TEXT
OF NEW FRAMEWORK FOR THE US–INDIA
DEFENCE RELATIONSHIP
WITH
COMMENTS
1.
The United States and India have entered a new era. We are
transforming our relationship to reflect our common principles and
shared national interests. As the world's two largest democracies,
the United States and India agree on the vital importance of
political and economic freedom, democratic institutions, the rule of
law, security, and opportunity around the world. The leaders of our
two countries are building a U.S.-India strategic partnership in
pursuit of these principles and interests.
2.
Ten years ago, in January 1995, the Agreed Minute on Defence
Relations Between the United States and India was signed. Since
then, changes in the international security environment have
challenged our countries in ways unforeseen ten years ago. The
US–India defence relationship has advanced in a short time to
unprecedented levels of cooperation unimaginable in 1995. Today, we
agree on a new Framework that builds on past successes, seizes new
opportunities, and charts a course for the US–India defence
relationship for the next ten years. This defence relationship will
support, and will be an element of, the broader U.S.-India strategic
partnership.
(Comment ––
This
is the background against which Strobe Talbott held meetings with
India’s then Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh in the Clinton era.
Condelezza Rice progressed matters and visited India earlier in 2005
and paved the way for the Defence Minister and then the Prime
Minister to visit Washington in July after the Defence framework
was signed. Sixteen agreements were signed and one with a clear aim to
enhance India’s nuclear, space, agricultural and economic status
with US support. India direly needs nuclear fuel and heavy water for
its power plants.)
3.
The US–India
defence relationship derives from a common belief in freedom,
democracy, and the rule of law, and seeks to advance shared security
interests. These interests include:
-
Maintaining
security and stability;
-
Defeating
terrorism and violent religious extremism;
-
Preventing
the spread of weapons of mass destruction and associated
materials, data, and technologies; and
-
Protecting
the free flow of commerce via land, air and sea lanes.
(Comment
––
This
clause is all encompassing to enable dialogue on Proliferation
Security Initiative PSI and CSI and stability in the Indian Ocean
and issues relating to terrorism and exchange of intelligence.)
4.
In pursuit of this shared vision of an expanded and deeper
U.S.-India strategic relationship, our defence establishments shall:
-
Conduct
joint and combined exercises and exchanges;
-
Collaborate
in multinational operations when it is in their common interest;
-
Strengthen
the capabilities of our militaries to promote security and
defeat terrorism;
-
Expand
interaction with other nations in ways that promote regional and
global peace and stability;
-
Enhance
capabilities to combat the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction;
-
In
the context of our strategic relationship, expand two-way
defence trade between our countries. The United States and India
will work to conclude defence transactions, not solely as ends
in and of themselves, but as a means to strengthen our
countries' security, reinforce our strategic partnership,
achieve greater interaction between our armed forces, and build
greater understanding between our defence establishments;
-
In
the context of defence trade and a framework of technology
security safeguards, increase opportunities for technology
transfer, collaboration, co-production, and research and
development;
-
Expand
collaboration relating to missile defence;
-
Strengthen
the abilities of our militaries to respond quickly to disaster
situations, including in combined operations;
-
Assist
in building worldwide capacity to conduct successful
peacekeeping operations, with a focus on enabling other
countries to field trained, capable forces for these operations;
-
Conduct
exchanges on defence strategy and defence transformation;
-
Increase
exchanges of intelligence; and
-
Continue
strategic-level discussions by senior leadership from the U.S.
Department of Defence and India's Ministry of Defence, in which
the two sides exchange perspectives on international security
issues of common interest, with the aim of increasing mutual
understanding, promoting shared objectives, and developing
common approaches.
(Comment
–– An
agreement has been reached to appoint an Indian liaison officer in
the Pacific Command HQ in Honolulu. An official statement said, The
United States and India will work to conclude defence transactions,
not solely as ends in and of themselves, but as a means to
strengthen out countries' security, reinforce our strategic
partnership, achieve greater interactions between our armed forces,
and build greater understanding between our defence establishments.'
However even before the ink was dry Defence Minister on return to
India stated India will go it alone for its missile defence. India
is building its own BMD based on the Green Pine Israeli and Rajendra
Indian radars, Israeli aerostats with EL/M 2083 radars and the
selection of a missile to match the system possibly the Arrow or
Aster is on. However these are early days for BMD but it rules out
US facilities on Indian soil.)
5.
The Defence Policy Group shall continue to serve as the primary
mechanism to guide the U.S.-India strategic defence relationship.
The Defence Policy Group will make appropriate adjustments to the
structure and frequency of its meetings and of its subgroups, when
agreed to by the Defence Policy Group co-chairs, to ensure that it
remains an effective mechanism to advance US–India defence
cooperation.
6.
In recognition of the growing breadth and depth of the U.S.-India
strategic defence relationship, we hereby establish the Defence
Procurement and Production Group and institute a Joint Working Group
for mid-year review of work overseen by the Defence Policy Group.
The Defence Procurement and Production Group will oversee defence
trade, as well as prospects for co-production and technology
collaboration, broadening the scope of its predecessor subgroup the
Security Cooperation Group. The Defence Joint Working Group will be
subordinate to the Defence Policy Group and will meet at least once
per year to perform a midyear review of work overseen by the Defence
Policy Group and its subgroups (the Defence Procurement and
Production Group, the Joint Technical Group, the Military
Cooperation Group, and the Senior Technology Security Group), and to
prepare issues for the annual meeting of the Defence Policy Group.
(Comment
–– The
Military Industrial Complex of USA is keen to open up the Indian
market and Indian business houses are keen to collaborate and the
framework offers the vehicle. The F 16s and F 18s and P3c Orions are
on offer. India will be allowed to purchase Aegis technology, which
is the latest to protect naval vessels from anti-ship missiles. So
far, only Japan and South Korea have acquired this technology,
partly because of its cost. Indian Navy has been cleared to purchase
the P 3C anti-submarine patrol aircraft and ASW helicopters and low
frequency sonars. The United States, which until a few years ago
regarded the Indian naval build-up –– based on Soviet technology
–– as a threat to U.S. control of sea lanes in the Indian Ocean,
is now set to bolster the Indian Navy to be its proxy guardian of
the Indian Ocean. It is therefore selling New Delhi naval technology
that will allow the Indians to fulfill one of their key strategic
objectives, which is to be able to control regional sea lanes.)
7.
The Defence Policy Group and its subgroups will rely upon this
Framework for guidance on the principles and objectives of the
U.S.-India strategic relationship, and will strive to achieve those
objectives.
(Signed
in Arlington, Virginia, USA, on June 28, 2005, in two copies in
English, each being equally authentic.)
The
defence framework has potential for interoperability in the Indian
Ocean region. USA has used the military route of exercises with the
Indian Armed Forces beginning with the Navy and its Malabar series,
and now embraced by the Air Force with Cope Thunder series and Army,
on a regular basis with élan. Analysts claim these military
exercises and the growing voice and clout of the large up market
Indian community in USA has had salutary effect on Americans, to
look to India more favourably. The defence framework will also
enable USA’s military industrial complex to push for sales of
American hardware though the FMS route and the impediments of
partisan Congressional approvals, will be a stumbling block. So far
Indian Armed Forces purchase only some $ 74 mill of military
equipment from civilian agencies, and have contracted to buy 12
ANTPQ 37 Fire Finder Radars from Raytheon/Thales combine for $ 212
million. The deal was ridden with anomalies, as the charges for
modifications for Indian conditions were exorbitant. It is confirmed
Indian Navy is eyeing the Austin class USS Trenton a LPD landing
platform dock, is in the US Congressional list for approval to
transfer to India on payment, while the USS Fletcher a Spruance is
in the grants list for Pakistan. Six Avenger class mine hunters and
a DSRV are also on offer and the Navy is seriously looking at the 6
P 3C Orion option. The US is also to begin supplying around 15 to 20
types of specialised equipment for the Army’s Special Forces
units, including laser designators, helmets, body armour and a range
of other classified gear. The agreement with Washington follows the
joint manoeuvres conducted by the Indian and the USSF in Ladakh two
years ago, and subsequent interaction between the two specialised
forces.
In
USA Pranab Mukherjee meet with Congressmen Warner and Lewis in
response to a demand U.S. Senator John Kerry had apparently made
from the floor of the U.S. Senate that perhaps India should send
troops to Iraq. An Indian Armed Forces officer will be appointed to
the Pacific Command for liaison. It was revealed that the Indian
Minister asked Secretary Rumsfeld why India could not interact with
the Central Command rather than the Pacific and Secretary Rumsfeld
in a lighter vein quipped that it would be feasible if India sent a
Division to Iraq, which of course India’s Prime Minister has ruled
out. Mukherjee spoke at the Brookings Institution where he was
presented a report on US–India relations. Later briefing media
persons about the gist of the report, he said: "The report
effectively captures the excitement and potential of the
transformation of U.S.-India relations is generating at present. Its
recommendations are particularly timely on the eve of Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh's upcoming visit to the U.S. which will hope will be
a prelude to President Bush's visit to India, the first after
President Clinton's visit in March, 2000."
It
acknowledged that the DPG would continue to 'serve as the primary
mechanism to guide the US-India strategic defence relationship' and
noted that the DPG would make 'appropriate adjustments to the
structure and frequency of its meetings and of its subgroups, when
agreed to by the DPG co-chairs, to ensure that it remains an
effective mechanism to advance US-India defence cooperation.'
Besides
expanding collaboration in missile defence and a host of other
cooperative ventures between the defence establishments of both
countries, including strengthening the capabilities of both
militaries to promote security and defeat terrorism and enhancing
the capabilities to combat the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, the agreement said two-way defence trade would also be
an integral component.
Conclusion
It
is too early to offer conclusions and one will have to wait till the
dust settles. However the framework, general in its wording,
allowing a lot of laxity to both signing parties has been very well
received in India. The general comment is that the bureaucratic
system in India is dilatory, and unless there is dynamism the
effects of the framework will result in many more Service-to-
Service engagements, exercises and bonhomie while the substantial
part will take time to crystallise. As a prelude India is watching
the scene in Iraq very carefully and engaging Pakistan deeply to
ensure stability in the region. There could be US India cooperation
in trouble-ridden Nepal.
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